My Liberator article on the Yorkists' New Deal

This article appears in the new Liberator – you can download the whole issue from the magazine's website. Following the best traditions of academic reviewing, I spend a lot of time stating my own views before I get on to the publication I'm meant to be writing about.

You can find The New Deal online.

Lib Dem Narrative – The Search Goes On

The 2024 general election saw 72 Liberal Democrat MPs elected, the most for a third party since the Liberals’ brief revival in 1923. It was a result that exceeded all expectations, yet, two years on, there is a feeling of deflation among many Lib Dems. May’s local elections, whose outcome was in some ways very good for the party, were followed by a series of posts on Lib Dem Voice expressing dissatisfaction with the party’s direction or at least arguing that its current approach had been exhausted and a new one was needed.

This dissatisfaction arises from a sense of disappointment. If we have so many MPs, why aren’t we more central to the political debate? You can blame the media all you like, and they certainly do us no favours, but maybe the problem lies deeper than that. If we were allowed to write out own newspaper headlines, do we know what they would be? The approach with which we fought the last election – three bullet points and a reminder that Labour can’t win here – and its continuation after that election have left us with a limited number of headline policies.

Massive failures

Where we do have them, they aren’t necessarily as strong as we try to make them sound. We won support at the last election by campaigning on the massive failures of the water companies, but what would we do about them? The answer is that we would appoint a new, tougher regulator. The trouble with this is that the model promised at privatisation – businesses that displayed market-driven efficiency and went in fear of powerful regulators – has never looked like working. There are two reasons for this, the first of which is that the water industry is a natural monopoly. The second is regulatory capture, the process by which public institutions that are set up to keep an industry in check are subverted so they come to act in its interests. Nothing about the Lib Dems’ proposals for the water industry suggests they have found the answer to either of these problems.

Then there is the party’s performance in opinion polls and local elections. When it comes to the polls, despite the collapse of the Labour vote, we are happy if we see one where we match the 12 per cent of the vote we achieved at the last general election. We may remember Zack Polanski as an ambitious Liberal Democrat who was keener on austerity than most of us, but as James Butler wrote in the London Review of Books: 

Polanski’s political journey … is sometimes framed as opportunism but in fact reflects the often radicalising economic experience of millennials now approaching middle age.

We need to have more to offer such voters than we do at present.

Our vote is now heavily concentrated in the parliamentary constituencies that we won in 2024. We gained dozens upon dozens of councillors there in May, but I saw debate as to whether we had gained or lost councillors across all the other constituencies. What is certain is that our vote in seats where we have not been active in recent years is as low as one or two per cent, as is demonstrated weekly in local by-elections. And while we are being worried, the party’s membership is generally estimated to be 60,000, which is barely half what it was in 2022.

Many of the areas we now represent are prosperous, which means we must beware of simply representing their interests. Our opposition to inheritance tax on land, for instance, is hard to defend. As far as farmers have a grievance, it’s that the price of land has lost its relationship with the income that can be derived from farming it. But if you allow land to be used as a tax shelter, that problem will not be solved, it will get worse.

In the end, the Liberal Democrat hold on the seats they gained in 2024 may be out of their hands. In order for disillusioned Conservatives to come over to the Lib Dems, it is necessary for them not to be too scared by the possibility of a Labour government. If Andy Burnham turns out to be more Socialist than anyone expects, or at least if the press succeeds in getting the public to see him that way, then there is a danger that those voters will flock back to the Tories, however sensible or moderate we have been.

Against the background of this complicated political landscape comes The New Deal: How the Liberal Democrats Should Go into the 2029 General Election. It’s billed as “a pre-manifesto strategy document from the Yorkist group of Liberal Democrat activists” and, in his foreword, William Wallace explains its purpose:

This paper aims to start a conversation within the party on the narrative we need to construct. We have at most three years until the next election. Too many voters have come to despair of any political party’s ability to overcome the country’s economic stagnation and social divides. Liberal Democrats must find a way to offer them hope that national renewal – economic, social and political – is possible and attainable.”

To that end, The New Deal offers an analysis of the electoral position of the Liberal Democrats, a narrative they should develop before the next election and the policies it says flow from that narrative.

When The New Deal was published in May, it seemed that both the Greens and Reform UK were in line to make sweeping gains at the next election and that the Liberal Democrats would have to change their strategy to take account of this. Since then, both parties have faltered. The Greens appear to have hit their ceiling in the opinion polls and the media have at last started to ask hard questions about how Reform and its leader are funded. This position may change again, of course, but at the moment it seems the 2029 election may be more like the 2024 election than we expected.

Usefully, The New Deal considers the parties along two axes. There is the conventional one of Progressive/Centre Left vs Authoritarian/Orthodox, which sees the Liberal Democrats lined up with Labour, the Nationalists and the Greens against the Conservatives and Reform. From their history, their members and their voters, the Liberal Democrats are inescapably an anti-Conservative party, though that doesn’t mean that, deep down, we are the same as Labour or that ‘Progressive’ is a meaningful political identity rather than just a more impressive way of saying you are against the Tories.

The second axis is System vs Anti System, which sees the Lib Dems (and we still just about deserve this) placed in the Anti-System camp along with the Greens, the Nationalists and Reform, while Labour and the Tories share the System end. 

Anti-system

This ‘anti-system’ concept is a useful one and helps explain why, to the bafflement of the simplicities of social media, there are many voters who choose between Reform and the Liberal Democrats. It’s an identity that I suspect has something to do with being a long way from the centres of power, as voters are in Cornwall or Lincolnshire, and perhaps with the area being a historical stronghold of religious Nonconformity. As academics always say, more research is needed.

The New Deal emphasises the importance of developing a narrative, identifying Keir Starmer’s failure to do this as a key reason for his premiership foundering, but I’m not sure that what they’ve come up with quite fits the bill:

We are a better country than this! We are a kind, welcoming people, proud of our traditions, keen not to be taken for fools, but happy to be a modern, compassionate civic nation. We believe in a helping-hand role for a benign state, but one that doesn’t encroach any more into private lives than is strictly necessary. We believe in giving power back to the people, and in making all votes of equal value. 

This is a collection of four sentences, two of which are immediately qualified with a “but…”, that fails to tell a story. Stories involve movement through time or space, but these words just sit there. And they are statements about the Liberal Democrats when what is needed is a story about Britain today that will make voters nod in assent.

So an effective Liberal Democrat narrative might look more like:

In recent years politicians have looked to party interest rather than what’s good for Britain, the gap between rich and poor has grown too wide, and young people are finding it too hard to get a start in life. We need to rebuild our democracy, make it easier for people from all homes to make the most of their talents, and revive social housing.

That’s what’s on the back of my envelope, anyway.

When it comes to the paper’s policy offer, the cover leads you to expect great things because it has a mock-up of FDR wearing a Lib Dem rosette. In fact, it’s not always clear how different this New Deal would be. There are places where it talks about “success and progress being about more than GDP, including measures of social wellbeing and the environment” and “markets working for society rather than society being there to support markets”, but it’s not clear what these encouraging sentiments would mean in practice. Nor is it clear what the “unashamedly Keynesian” policy it wants to see at the next election would be. It seems to envisage more government intervention in the economy, which is welcome, but Keynes’s great theoretical innovation was the idea of demand management to avoid the cycle of economic booms and slumps. I’m not sure that’s on offer here.

But there are some very good ideas in The New Deal, and not only rejoining the European Union either. There’s a welcome emphasis on localism, and the inevitable support for electoral reform is strengthened by a call for it to be “linked to some form of bottom-up democracy to allow citizens to generate legislation, and to take more control over their local affairs”. There’s a call for the provision of rented accommodation (though it doesn’t say in which sector) and for an emphasis on “doing up the housing at the bottom of the ladder which is a health hazard for many of those living in it”. Education is there too, with a thoroughly Liberal emphasis on the importance of teaching critical thinking.

Above all, it’s great to see Liberal Democrat members publishing their ideas in a long form. Since the demise of Lib Dem News and then political blogging, communication within the party has tended to be very short (hello social media) or very top down. I hope The New Deal will be the first of many such publications.

Ben Maguire welcomes dissolution of multi-academy trust over discipline concerns

There have been a growing number of stories in recent years about extreme disciplinary regimes in schools run by multi-academy trusts.

One of these has come to a head today, with the announcement by the Athena Learning Trust that it will dissolve itself transfer its schools to other organisations. The trust runs nine schools across Devon and Cornwall.

Ben Maguire, the Liberal Democrat MP for North Cornwall, reports BBC News, welcomed the announcement saying it was "an important step for pupils and parents". 

The report also says:

MP Ben Maguire said he had met a number of concerned parents, students, trust representatives and Department for Education officials in recent months following reports of "serious issues relating to SEND provision and concerns around student punishments".

In February. Cllr James Ball, the deputy leader of the Independent group on Cornwall Council, who has a child at one of the schools, organised a public meeting for parents after almost 3,000 suspensions were handed out, external at Camborne Science and International Academy during the 2023/24 academic year:

Ball said he had been told children had been removed from the classroom for reasons including a pen running out, putting their hand up at the wrong time and for looking out of the window.

The flourishing of such unreasonable regimes suggests there is a lack of democracy in British education today. Cornwall Council had no power to intervene because MATs are governed from the Ministry for Education in London.

"We have blue passports, but everything else has gone south": Andrew George on the failure of Brexit

Andrew George won back the St Ives constituency in Cornwall for the Liberal Democrats two years ago today – he had previously represented it between 1997 and 2015. 

It's estimated that there was a 54.8 per cent vote for Leave in St Ives at the 2016 referendum, but that hasn't stopped Andrew telling it like it is in the Bude & Stratton Post:

There’s been much commentary on the 10th anniversary of Brexit referendum. I viewed it as a test of UK self-confidence. In the event the answer was negative. That we didn’t see ourselves as leaders in Europe. That we believed we were being taken advantage of, and had become rule-takers and had lost control.

That’s not to say I believed there would be no benefits from Brexit. I acknowledged at the time there was potential to "take back control" of fisheries management and marine conservation. However, even that hasn't materialised. Indeed, it's worse – we’re now outside the rooms where decisions are made and have less influence.

Yes, we have blue passports(!), but everything else has gone south. All authoritative sources agree the economy has suffered; now estimated to be at least six per cent smaller than it would have been. Brexit has been a drag on trade and growth, seen a cut in investment, and opportunities – especially for younger people – have shrunk.

Cornwall has been a major loser after decades of EU support. Promises of replacement funding didn’t materialise. I respect those who voted to Leave, and their hopes and desires. But those who led the Brexit campaign should stand up and be accountable. Their lies and stoking of fear may have succeeded, but they it says everything that they have largely avoided public attention during this 10-year review.

Centenary of Emily Hobhouse's death marked in Cornwall

Embed from Getty Images

This is a letter published by the Cornish Times:

On June 13, a special gathering was held at The Story of Emily to mark the centenary of the death of Emily Hobhouse, the British humanitarian and peace campaigner whose work exposed the suffering of women and children in the concentration camps of the South African War.

It was a privilege to attend this commemorative event and to join others in remembering one of Cornwall’s most remarkable daughters. Born in the hamlet of St Ive, near Liskeard, Emily Hobhouse dedicated her life to humanitarian causes and the pursuit of justice.

The event offered visitors a deeper understanding of Emily’s life, struggles, determination and enduring legacy. During the South African War, her investigations into conditions within the concentration camps helped transform public understanding of the conflict and contributed to improvements in camp conditions.

She was a woman ahead of her time who sacrificed much in her efforts to alleviate suffering and improve the lives of those affected by war.

In a speech written for the unveiling of the National Women's Monument in Bloemfontein on 16 December 1913, Emily Hobhouse wrote:

Liberty is the equal right and heritage of every child of man, without distinction of race, colour or sex.

These powerful words reflected the values that guided her throughout her life. They expressed her belief in equality, justice and human dignity at a time when such principles were far from universally accepted.

Today, societies across the world continue to confront issues of discrimination, inequality and human rights. Emily's belief that liberty belongs to every person, regardless of race, colour or sex, remains a principle worth defending.

As we mark one hundred years since her death, Emily Hobhouse's legacy is not confined to history. Her courage, compassion and commitment to humanity continue to inspire new generations. For Cornwall, she remains a source of particular pride.

Barry West, Cornish Historian

The Story of Emily is a museum devoted to Emily Hobhouse's life and humanitarian work, housed in her childhood home near Liskeard. She was the sister of Liberal philosopher L.T. Hobhouse.

Taking up the cause of the Boer women and children took physical courage – see my post on Kenneth Griffith's film Emily Hobhouse: The Englishwoman.

Jago Hazzard on the St Ives Bay Line

He sounds like a minor character from Poldark, so it's appropriate that we find Jago Hazzard away from his London stamping ground and in Cornwall. He's our guide to what it seems we must now call the storied history of the St Ives Bay Line - surprisingly storied, in fact.

I stayed in St Ives when I was walking the coastal path many years ago. This was before the Tate opened in the town, but even then it was it was absolutely heaving.Yet the next morning I walked a mile out of town towards Zennor and had the clifftops to myself.

But then no one ever built a St Ives, Zennor and Lands End light railway.

The myth that Labour's tax policies lost them the 1992 election

Why did John Major win the 1992 election when most pundits expected Neil Kinnock's Labour Party to be the victors?

Immediately after the contest, a consensus developed that the reason was the effectiveness of the Conservatives' campaign against Labour's economic policies. This view was certainly advanced by the Tories themselves, as its acceptance would make Labour more timid about challenging Thatcherite economics in future. 

And it was advanced by the head of the Tory campaign, Chris Patten, perhaps as a way of burnishing his reputation and consoling himself after he lost his own seat of Bath to the Liberal Democrats.

But I have always doubted this explanation. I remember thinking that it did not chime with what I had heard during the campaign from voters or from colleagues at work.

I recently came across an article that suggests I was right to be sceptical. In May 1994 the Independent published an article by Anthony Heath, Roger Jowell and John Curtice on the findings of their study of the 1992 election.

They go through the various explanations that had been offered for Labour's defeat and find them all wanting – notably the claim that "It's The Sun Wot Won It" made by, you guessed it, The Sun itself.

Here are Heath et al. on the suggestion that it was Labour's tax policies that had been decisive:

Labour's proposals for taxation and national insurance contributions – outlined in John Smith's 'alternative Budget' – were relentlessly attacked by the Conservatives. Faced with the prospect of a cut in their disposable income, the argument runs, voters had second thoughts about the wisdom of letting Labour in.

But our surveys find little evidence to back this argument. It arose because the polls showed a small Labour lead throughout a campaign in which taxation was one of the dominant issues and yet the Tories won. Our research, however, confirms that the pollsters had it wrong all along: they consistently underestimated the Tory vote. The Conservatives were ahead throughout the campaign. 

There was a late swing, but far too small to account for Labour's defeat. And the people who deserted Labour were not particularly averse to high taxation; rather, they seemed to have relatively little faith in Labour's ability to improve services such as health and education.

In fact, the authors find nothing in the 1992 election campaign had much of an effect on the final outcome.

I did receive intimations that there had been a late swing to the Tories. During the campaign, I'd heard stories of Liberal Democrat workers putting money on Nick Harvey gaining North Devon with a large majority, when ultimately he gained it with a small one. 

And I was told to put money on the Lib Dems in Falmouth and Camborne, because Sebastian Coe was going down very badly there. Luckily I didn't, because Coe held the seat for the Tories. He lost to Labour in 1997 and the Lib Dems finally took it in 2005.

My own theory was that voters had chosen John Major over Neil Kinnock. After Margaret Thatcher's late Sturm und Drang years, Major was a breath of fresh air. Those who only know of him as a figure of fun may be surprised at this, but if they study his statesmanlike conduct since losing power they may see why people found him attractive in 1992.

Neil Kinnock, by contrast, had been leader of the opposition for nine years. Some of the attacks on him as a "Welsh windbag" bordered on the racist, but, boy, he did talk a lot. And, burdened by cares of leadership, he had lost the wit and sparkle that had made his name as a backbench MP – notably on Jimmy Young's Radio 2 programme.

So that's why I didn't believe in 1992 that the Tories' attacks on Labour's tax policies had won them the election. And, going by Heath et al.'s study, I was right not to believe what became the received wisdom on that contest.

This question is not just of historical interest. Rachel Reeves's pledge not to increase income tax, national insurance or VAT, which has backed her into such a corner, was made because of a more or less conscious memory of 1992.

Ben Maguire fights to save Sharp's Brewery in Rock

Ben Maguire, the Liberal Democrat MP for North Cornwall, has called the planned closure of Sharp's brewery in his constituency "devastating" and urged its American owners to think again.

ITV News reports that he has also said it would be "unacceptable for Molson Coors Beverage Company to market its products as Cornish if it moved out of the Duchy".

The brewery at Rock, which produces the UK's best-selling cask ale Doom Bar, is due to close by the end of the year with the loss of 50 jobs.

Ben told ITV News:

"I’m really disappointed to hear this devastating news that more than 50 local people are going to lose their jobs at this iconic local brewery. We have been so proud to see their beers sold the length and breadth of this country. ...

"I hope the parent company approaches the consultation in the spirit that it should be approached with and they listen to local residents and they come up with a solution to keep those jobs here, or at least some of the skilled jobs. They cannot use our Cornwall brand without production here in Cornwall."

Boak & Bailey wrote about the rise of Doom Bar back in 2008. And Rock always used to be where the upper classes dumped their unwanted teenage offspring for the summer, though I don't suppose they interfered with the brewing.

An Observer podcast series on The Real Salt Path

If you were hooked by Chloe Hadjimatheou's reporting of the questionable veracity of The Salt Path, you may be interested to know that the Observer has now produced a series of podcasts telling the story of this exposé, The Walkers: The real Salt Path.

I walked The Salt Path myself – we called it the South Coastal Path in those days – from Minehead to Weymouth, over four summer holidays, in the Eighties and Nineties. 

Don't tell Jennie, but I left out the stretch through Torbay (my guidebook said it was allowed) because it was so built up.

The Joy of Six 1459

"For all their youthful modishness, this group is actually more conservative than their older counterparts. Many TheoBros, for example, don’t think women belong in the pulpit or the voting booth – and even want to repeal the 19th Amendment. For some, prison reform would involve replacing incarceration with public flogging. Unlike more mainstream Christian nationalists ... many TheoBros believe that the Constitution is dead and that we should be governed by the Ten Commandments." To understand JD Vance, you need to meet the TheoBros, says Kiera Butler.

Martin Barrow finds that Labour's reforms of the care system are an admission that privatisation of children's homes and foster care is here to stay: "Now responsibility for where children in care live is to be removed from local councils altogether and handed to a regional body with tenuous local roots tasked with negotiating the best financial terms with private providers."

"We talk endlessly about 'local pride', yet whenever regions like Cornwall, the north east, or Yorkshire try to express that pride politically or administratively, someone in Westminster clears their throat and steers the conversation back to something safer: 'Englishness'. As if being Cornish, Geordie, or Yorkshire were a distraction rather than part of the story." Regional identity still matters, argues John Hall, but without power and respect risks being reduced to a souvenir.

Eleanor Grant reports that lawfare is stifling student politics at Oxford: "One scandal after another, each matched by an internal, quasi-legal tribunal, has now threatened to sink the Oxford Union and a series of student articles chronicling these escapades have mysteriously vanished after short-lived publication."

Casmilus watches Rock Follies, the Seventies television series about an all-woman band that starred Charlotte Cornwell, Rula Lenska and Julie Covington.

"It’s got one of the most famous opening lines of any Murdoch novel, which takes a lot from Austen: 'Dora Greenfield left her husband because she was afraid of him. She decided six months later to return to him for the same reason.'" Miles Leeson chooses Iris Murdoch's five best novels.

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"By restricting jury trials, removing protest rights and expanding surveillance, Labour is entrenching an authoritarian legal infrastructure that a far-right government will not hesitate to exploit." Karl Hansen says Labour is building Farage's state for him.

Phoebe Weston reports on the French ski resorts that are closing as the snow line in the Alps edges higher: "In France, there are today 113 ski lifts totalling nearly 40 miles (63km) in length that have been abandoned, nearly three-quarters of them in protected areas."

Catherine Rampell says Trump is misusing Norman Rockwell's art to promote Gestapo tactics and nativist ideas: "The works have been endlessly parodied since their introduction in 1943. In the internet age, they’ve become ubiquitously memed. (Freedom of Speech, for example, is nowadays widely known as the 'unpopular opinion' meme.) But originally, they served as wartime propaganda, meant to help rally support for America and its cause during the years of war against the Nazis."

"Take Me High's unexpected legacy is to act as a kind of Brummie Rorschach test: what do you see in its depiction of the angular 'new' Birmingham of 1973? An ugly, car-worshipping mess that, like Cliff's career, needed desperate reinvention? An ambitious feat of post-war planning? Or a nostalgic vision of your childhood? It’s a question that becomes more poignant with each landmark razed and every area redeveloped beyond recognition." Shaun Patrick Hand has discovered the Cliff Richard film from 1973.

"Raynor’s efforts simply render the magnificent landscapes of Devon and Cornwall as joyless, grey backdrops to her own ceaseless complaining. The South West Coast Path should sue for defamation of character." Finlay McLaren takes aim at The Salt Path.

Andy Marshall chooses and photographs his all-time best pubs.

Andrew George is the member for the Isles of Scilly

It's not just Scottish MPs who worry about island ferries: Andrew George's St Ives constituency, as well as the far west of Cornwall, takes in the Isles of Scilly, which are 28 miles off the Cornish coast.

In this latest Cornish Times column, the Liberal Democrat MP reports a meeting with the transport minister Keir Mather: 

He says he wants to help. I’ve invited him to visit, to help him better understand the challenges islanders face, and then help ensure sustainable solutions are found. Scilly may be an exceptional place. But it’s also a tough place to survive, especially if you’re not well off.

He then adds pointedly:

Two-thirds of all income to the primary provider of transport to Scottish islands (CalMac) is government subsidy. In comparison Scillonian passengers, freight customers and inter-island travellers pay unsubsidised full commercial rates. No government has yet offered parity for the Isles of Scilly.

Andrew also reports that he is calling a Special Educational Needs summit next year:

I’m keen to listen, and to work with local families to ensure children get the support they deserve.

And writing of falling immigration figures, he says:

The real worry across many sectors – including agriculture and care work here in Cornwall is how we will cope with the politically driven fall in migrant workers. But of course, no leading politician dares mention this.

The Joy of Six 1428

"Away from the headlines, families in poverty are preoccupied with the very hard work of getting by on low-incomes. Their daily realities are routinely distressing and dehumanising: trying to decide whether to prioritise one child’s need for new school shoes over their brother’s coat which no longer fits. Or leaving an older child to look after their younger sister while they nip to the food bank; not wanting their children to experience the indignity and shame they feel on crossing the church hall’s doors." Ruth Patrick calls on the government to bin the two-child benefit cap.

Richard Kemp reminds us of something important: You can like, work with and respect a person whose political beliefs differ from yours.

Elizabeth Spiers misses the early years of blogging: "If you wanted people to read your blog, you had to make it compelling enough that they would visit it, directly, because they wanted to. And if they wanted to respond to you, they had to do it on their own blog, and link back. The effect of this was that there were few equivalents of the worst aspects of social media that broke through. If someone wanted to troll you, they’d have to do it on their own site and hope you took the bait because otherwise no one would see it."

"A linguistic panic has swept America in recent months, corrupting our youth, annoying our teachers and leaving countless adults hopelessly confused. The question that has sparked the uproar: what, exactly, does it mean when an otherwise upstanding young person blurts out the phrase 'six-seven'?" Matthew Cantor is down with the kids.

"In England, the Cotswolds and Wessex supported an organicist version of Englishness in the interwar period, defined by its 'Westernness' against a ‘south-east metropolitan zone’, and Cornwall has also been understood as a place of difference which, with its distinctive national identity, has made it both familiar and yet potentially threatening to English unity." Gareth Roddy discusses the hold that the Western has on the imagination of all four nations of the British Isles.

Ian Richardson visits the National Railway Museum in York.

Can you put flags up? Can the council take them down?

Alan Robertshaw explains the law on putting flags up and taking them down.

I remember staying at Crackington Haven when I walked the South West Way - or The Salt Path, as I now realise it was.

What a night lawyer does behind the scenes at a newspaper

Alan Robertshaw, barrister at law, explains the role he used to fulfil for a daily newspaper at Wapping before it went to press. Defamation. Court orders. Confidentiality. They're all here. 

There was never a successful action against an article he had signed off, though his ignorance of football once almost got the paper in trouble with the solicitor general.

I recommend this channel if you're interested in topical and informed comment on the law – and nice views of Cornwall.

Cornish museum devoted to the life of Emily Hobhouse wins architectural award

The Story of Emily, a museum celebrating the life of the humanitarian Emily Hobhouse, has been named the Royal Institute of British Architects' South West and Wessex Building of the Year.

Emily Hobhouse campaigned against Britain's use of concentration camps in the Boer War. The Story of Emily is located partly in her childhood home, the rectory in St Ive, near Liskeard.

It is the new buildings on the site, which house the immersive displays about her work in South Africa and a restaurant for visitors, that have won the RIBA award. You can see something of them in the video above and read about them in depth on the RIBA site.

Emily Hobhouse was the sister of the Liberal philosopher L.T. (Leonard Trelawney) Hobhouse. Her campaigning against the camps in South Africa was hugely controversial in Britain - watch Kenneth Griffith's Emily Hobhouse: The Englishwoman to learn more about the way it was received.

The Joy of Six 1374

Andrew Chandler makes a Liberal case for the right to die with dignity: "There’s a peculiar cruelty in forcing someone to live in unbearable pain for the comfort of others."

Last year, Ofsted investigations revealed the existence of more than 900 mostly single-occupant illegal children’s homes in England, over six times the number it had found three years earlier. And The Bureau of Investigative Journalism has found a council spending £29,000 per week to place a vulnerable 10-year-old in one of them.

Keith Frankish, a philosopher looks at what it is that large language models are doing. (The link will download a pdf.)

"While cranes have been elevated by rarity, gulls were once quasi-angelic, their clinging to inhospitable coastal rocks evoking the monks who established their cells at the extreme edges of these islands. Now diminished in popular perception, they are seen as gutter-life, scavengers on the trash-tides of our consumerism." Amy-Jane Beer reviews The Cuckoo's Lea by Michael Warren - "a magical ornithological history of Britain."

"The third 'fun fact' about Truro Cathedral is that it’s one of three Cathedrals in the UK with three spires. This is bollocks. I have no idea why people say this. There are four spires. I will elaborate later, but I have become a Spire Truther." Jay Hulme looks round - and climbs - Truro Cathedral.

Film-Authority.com watches the 1977 British thriller The Squeeze: "[Michael] Apted died not so long ago, and while his obituaries found much to discuss in his ground-breaking 7 Up documentary series, or his Bond movies, his first feature film is a fearsome beast, recommended but with the strongest of warnings; this really ain’t a pretty sight."

Family's horror seeing tourists eat from saucepans in idyllic Cotswolds village

Gloucestershire Live wins our Headline of the Day Award for this tale of tourism in Bourton-on-the-Water.

The judges left me to comment, so I shall merely point out that all tourist areas have honeypots where visitors tend to congregate. 

If you go to the Shropshire hills but don't want crowds, then avoid the Carding Mill Valley at Church Stretton. And if you find St Ives in Cornwall too crowded, walk a mile along the cliffs towards Zennor and you'll have an amazing landscape all to yourself.

Or you could forget the Cotswolds and visit the Notswolds.

This post is sponsored by Visit the Notswolds - The Official Notswold Tourism Site.

"Join the Lib Dems, stop moaning on Facebook and get involved": Leigh Frost did and now he's leader of Cornwall Council

"I was a big Remainer and still am. I believe that we had a lot of benefits from being members of the European Union. A vote to leave the European Union basically gave you less rights and I didn’t like the fact my children would grow up with less rights than I had.

"I became one of those ranty people on Facebook about why Brexit was a bad idea. Dan Rogerson [former Lib Dem MP for North Cornwall] sent me a message telling me I should join the Lib Dems, stop moaning on Facebook and get involved." Mr Rogerson, a newly elected councillor, is now a member of Cllr Frost’s Cabinet.

And now Leigh Frost is the Liberal Democrat leader of Cornwall, where we have formed a minority administration with the Independents. He talked to the Falmouth Packet ("in his treasured Bodmin") about his ambitions for the council:

"We need more affordable homes. The Government has set its target, which we all know is a bit of a fantasy in reality, but we’ve got to try and deliver the best we can. We need a mix of sizes. One of the biggest issues is we do not build enough one and two beds, so there’s nowhere for people to downsize to.

"There’s a whole range of housing stock that could be unlocked just by building more smaller properties. It’s not just about developing more, it’s about being smarter about how we produce the best from our existing stock."

He also pointed to the huge challenge that children's services are for all councils and his ambitions to use the council's powers to improve the dentistry service in the county.

GUEST POST Forget your two-horse race: Increasingly it's a cavalry charge

Augustus Carp wanders off from his usual subjective enquiries into councillor defections to consider some objective examples of real voters casting real votes for real candidates in the recent local elections.

If you are a regular reader of this site, you are probably well aware of the iniquities of our election system. You don’t need a lecture from me or, probably, anyone else on the subject, but you might like to consider some of the more unusual results thrown up in the recent county council elections.

To set the scene, in order for a candidate - or party -  to succeed using the current system, the procedure for nearly the last 100 years has been to engineer public opinion to regard the contest as being between just two parties. 

That way, Party A can tell the voters that it’s a straight contest between them and Party B, and that it’s the duty of the electorate to recognise that a vote for Party C is a wasted vote. Verily, “It’s a two horse race!”, say the leaflets, and no other considerations are required.

However, the political world is changing, and changing rapidly. The number of two-horse races has declined, to be replaced in some contests by veritable cavalry charges, with a handful of candidates all vying for the voters’ attention with almost equal success. There are some extraordinary examples from 1 May.

Some 1405 contests took place for the English County Councils. Remarkably, in 32 contests, five candidates all managed to get over 10 per cent of the vote. 

In some cases, the result was still clear. For example, in the Leamington Milverton Division of Warwickshire, the Liberal Democrat got 53.5 per cent, with four other candidates getting 14, 13, 12 and 10 per cent. In Bedwardine (Worcestershire) Reform won with 41.5 per cent, the other candidates getting 24, 14, 10 and 10 per cent. Clearly, the winning candidates had a solid core of support. 

But what about Heavitree and Whipton Barton in Devon? There the Green won with just 26.2 per cent of the vote, the others getting 25.6, 25.4, 12 and 11 per cent. Or over in Alphington and Cowick, in the same county, where Reform won with 26.8 per cent but two other candidates both got over 25 per cent? 

How do people still justify the use of First Past the Post elections, particularly for local government elections, which produce results like those?

However, the Joint Prize for the Most Indecisive Result has to be shared by Bierton, Kingsbrook and Wing Division in Buckinghamshire, and Truro, Moresk and Trehaverne Division in Cornwall. There, six candidates all managed to get over 10 per cent of the votes each. 

The Conservative in Buckinghamshire won with 26.5 per cent of the vote, and the Lib Dem in Cornwall won with 18.9 per cent - not so much a ringing endorsement as an indication of grudging tolerance.

Augustus Carp is the pen name of someone who has been a member of the Liberal Party and then the Liberal Democrats since 1976.

Why Snailbeach and the Stiperstones saw the best Lib Dem result last Thursday

The candidate who won the highest percentage vote in any contest last Thursday was the Liberal Democrat Heather Kidd in Shropshire Council's Chirbury & Worthen ward. She received 71.1 per cent of the votes cast, despite having Conservative, Labour, Green and Reform opponents.

Chirbury & Worthen is a large rural ward which takes in the western flank of - you know what's coming - the Stiperstones, including the former lead-mining village of Snailbeach.

But stay with me. This post isn't just an excuse for quoting some descriptive writing about Shropshire, because the second passage includes a bit of history that may be one reason that Liberals do so well in this corner of the county.

Nearer the Welsh border Chirbury & Worthen is lush and pastoral, but that's not so true of the area close to the Stiperstones.

Even today, Snailbeach has something of the feel of the Wild West - a shanty town thrown up to accommodate a mining boom. When I first knew it in the 1980s, before its startling white slagheaps had been landscaped, that feeling was much stronger.

Anyway, here is Malcolm Saville writing in the Lone Pine story Not Scarlet But Gold in 1962:

Between the lower, western slopes of the Stiperstones and two mountains called Condon and Stapley is a stretch of desolate country called by some "The Land of Dereliction".

It is well named, for from the heather of this lonely moorland, treacherous with bogs, the gaunt arms of ruined mine shafts rise through the mist above slag heaps and pools of stagnant water. 

The Romans mined all this land for lead long, long before man came back in the last century, to this haunted corner of Shropshire. These miners tore up the earth, built engine houses, sank shafts and buried the golden gorse under piles of rubbish which may still be seen today.

And in 1944, in his Quietest Under the Sun, John Wood wrote of "a tract scarred with the waste of disused lead and barytes mines". He added:

Sad to say, this became in the between-wars period one of the most utterly derelict areas in Britain proportionate to its size.

That I can believe. The district seems to have been too remote to interest even the scrap merchants, and once the lead mines closed it must have been hugely overpopulated. There wasn't much work, and it's not good farming country.

And here is the part that may help explain last Thursday's result:

It is a point of interest that when these now abandoned enterprises were developed the labour power was brought from the tin mines of Cornwall, and even today the descendants of those Cornishmen make the valley a strong Nonconformist and radical enclave in an Anglican and conservative countryside.